Turkey’s Opposition Hope

Ekrem İmamoğlu is one of the most prominent figures in contemporary Turkish politics—the mayor of Istanbul and a leading opposition figure who has become a symbol of resistance against the authoritarian rule of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Daniil Kislov, director of Fergana, examines İmamoğlu’s political trajectory, his role in the opposition, the corruption charges against him, his arrest, and the events of recent days.

A Political Biography

Born 55 years ago in the village of Cevizli, Trabzon Province, İmamoğlu graduated from Istanbul University with a master’s degree in human resources management. Before entering politics, he managed a family construction business. His political career began in 2009 when he joined the Republican People’s Party (CHP), Turkey’s largest opposition party. In 2014, he was elected mayor of Beylikdüzü, a district in Istanbul, where his efforts to improve infrastructure and social services gained him widespread recognition.

İmamoğlu’s breakthrough came in 2019, when he ran for mayor of Istanbul as the candidate of the Nation Alliance (Millet İttifakı), a coalition of CHP and the Good Party (İyi Parti). His initial victory, by a margin of 13,000 votes, was annulled by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which controlled the city for decades.

However, in a rerun election in June 2019, İmamoğlu won a landslide victory, defeating AKP’s Binali Yıldırım by 800,000 votes. In 2024, he secured reelection, further cementing his position as one of Turkey’s most influential politicians.

A Strong Challenger to Erdoğan

İmamoğlu’s charisma, inclusive rhetoric, and electoral success have made him Erdoğan’s most formidable opponent. Istanbul, Turkey’s economic and cultural heart, holds symbolic importance — Erdoğan himself launched his political career as the city's mayor in 1994, and his party maintained a firm grip on the country’s largest metropolis until 2019.

His victory dealt a major blow to AKP, especially amid Turkey’s economic crisis and soaring inflation, which reached 75.5% in May 2024.

İmamoğlu presents himself as a politician capable of bridging societal divides. He appeals not only to CHP’s secular electorate but also to conservative voters, including Kurds and nationalists. His slogan, «Everything will be fine» (Her şey çok güzel olacak), has become a symbol of hope for the opposition.

Unlike Erdoğan’s increasingly authoritarian leadership, İmamoğlu emphasizes democracy, transparency, and social justice.

The Corruption Allegations

On March 19, 2025, İmamoğlu was arrested on charges of corruption, money laundering, and alleged ties to terrorist organizations, including the banned Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). According to state-run Anadolu Agency, authorities also issued over 100 arrest warrants, including for İmamoğlu’s senior advisor Murat Ongun.

Prosecutors claim İmamoğlu led an organized crime syndicate, extorting business owners for illicit financial gain.

The accusations have sparked widespread public outcry. İmamoğlu dismissed the charges as “a sham”, calling them a politically motivated attempt to eliminate him from the 2028 presidential race. His wife, Dilek İmamoğlu, told Now TV that the arrest was “a direct attack on Turkey’s future president.”

Just before his arrest, Istanbul University annulled his degree, effectively disqualifying him from running for president—since a university diploma is required for candidacy. The pro-government newspaper Sabah backed the prosecution’s actions, claiming that the investigation was based on «evidence», but opposition media like Cumhuriyet pointed out the lack of evidence and political context behind the case.

Leader of the Opposition

İmamoğlu became the leader of the opposition thanks to his ability to unite diverse political forces. After his victory in 2019, he turned Istanbul into a stronghold of resistance against Erdoğan, implementing projects that emphasized transparency in governance. For instance, he disclosed data on the mismanagement of funds by the previous AKP administration. His success in the 2024 local elections, where the CHP outperformed the AKP nationwide, solidified his position as a potential presidential candidate. Hürriyet noted that İmamoğlu managed to attract not only secular voters but also Kurds and a segment of conservatives dissatisfied with Erdoğan’s economic policies.

Within the CHP, İmamoğlu has become a unifying figure for the opposition. After his arrest, party leader Özgür Özel called on supporters to continue protesting, declaring, “We will not let the will of the people be trampled.” Other opposition leaders, including Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavaş, also voiced their support for İmamoğlu, underscoring his significant influence.

Current Events

On March 23, 2025, an Istanbul court officially ordered İmamoğlu’s detention, triggering mass protests in Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, and other cities. That same day, CHP held its primaries, where İmamoğlu won the presidential nomination with a record 15 million votes. Rallies in support of İmamoğlu swept through Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, and other major cities across Turkey. Turkey’s Interior Ministry reported over 1,100 arrests, including 700 in the past 24 hours alone (March, 24-25).

Analysis and Future Prospects

İmamoğlu’s arrest appears politically motivated. Erdoğan, whose popularity has been declining amid the economic crisis, sees İmamoğlu as a threat. The diploma annulment and arrest right before CHP’s presidential primaries indicate a deliberate effort to block his candidacy. However, such repressive tactics may backfire—as seen in Cumhuriyet’s analysis, İmamoğlu’s popularity has only increased, and the opposition has rallied around him.

According to Amnesty International, the arrest “marks a dramatic escalation of Turkey’s crackdown on dissent and persecution of its main opposition.”

Ironically, İmamoğlu’s story echoes Erdoğan’s own past—in the 1990s, Erdoğan himself was jailed for political reasons, later using it to fuel his rise to power.

As political analyst Ümer Murat, a former Turkish diplomat now based in Germany, observes:

“Erdoğan wants to establish an authoritarian, Putin-style rule in Turkey. But unlike Russia, Turkey lacks vast natural resources. Without foreign investment, the economy is crumbling. Investors are leaving due to Erdoğan’s crackdown on democracy. After İmamoğlu’s arrest, the Central Bank is spending $11.5 billion daily to stabilize the lira — this is alarming. Erdoğan knows how to eliminate rivals, but he cannot fix the economy, and people are noticing.”

İmamoğlu remains a crucial figure in Turkish politics. His case is not just about power struggles, but a test of Turkey’s democratic resilience. If the opposition can harness this moment, it could challenge Erdoğan’s grip on power in 2028. However, with government repression escalating, the road ahead is fraught with challenges.

The key question now: Can İmamoğlu, even from behind bars, continue to inspire millions and lead the movement for change?

Political Arrests in Turkey: A Pattern

İmamoğlu’s case is not unique — many opposition figures have faced similar politically motivated prosecutions:

The arrest of the leaders of the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP). In 2016, HDP leaders Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ were arrested on charges of links to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Demirtaş faced more than a hundred charges, including spreading terrorist propaganda and insulting the Turkish nation. He was sentenced to 42 years in prison.

Osman Kavala. In 2017, businessman and human rights activist Osman Kavala was detained for criticizing Erdogan's policies. In 2022, he was sentenced to life in prison on charges of attempting to overthrow the government. Many human rights organizations consider his case to be politically motivated.

Political purges after the 2016 military coup. Following the failed coup attempt in July 2016, large-scale political purges began in Turkey. Tens of thousands of government officials, military personnel, and civilians suspected of ties to the Gülen movement, which was declared a terrorist organization, were arrested. These purges affected not only the direct participants of the coup but also many others who had no involvement.

The examples provided show that arrests of opposition politicians and activists in Turkey are not uncommon and are often used as a tool for political pressure and suppressing dissent.